Northwestern Farmer ' s Wages: I ask the court to see the people suffer.

We should remember that the group of farmers is the most vulnerable, vulnerable and still addressing the problem, and that only if it is borne in mind can the problem of unpaid rural workers be solved and society be able to live long and secure.

Before I give my formal defence opinion, I shall surrender myself to the Court. I myself had also published a large number of posts during the trial and had transmitted a large number of them. I have published posts that are not insinuated, linked to leaders as simple as that, and I have been speaking directly and even critical. I did not transmit the post, nor did I verify it to the author, but I simply sent it on the feeling that it was true, and I trusted my friends for thousands of people, and I have been doing so for several thousand years — almost every day.

I not only surrendered myself, but I reported in court that I had reported that everyone present, including the prosecutor, the judge on the bench, the bailiff, because I believe that everyone present, while you are young and hot and responsible for society, had transmitted negative articles — even if they had not been sent in the last few years — to the author without verifying their authenticity. I also believe that if we take a microscope and look for the false in the article, we will find one or two. I therefore recommend that everyone present surrender.

Our case is essentially like this. If the sage is guilty, every one of you is guilty. In particular cases, we might think on their own.

Of course, I turned myself in and reported it on the basis of the logic of the charges of the Public Prosecution Service, and in fact I think that the moral requirements for forwarding to the forwarders are — I feel real, that is all. This is not yet a legal obligation to transmit the post, but rather a moral consciousness of its own.

It is therefore wrong, therefore, to believe that he would have been guilty of a crime if he had transmitted the post to verify its authenticity. For ordinary forwarders, verification of authenticity is almost impossible in the vast majority of cases, and is not required by law.

I also find it absurd that in this case, the Public Prosecution Service accused the cyber-scave and extortion, but in this case, seven defendants, six illiterate.

As your son is less than 20 years literate, Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Qianqian does not say “show your hands”, she does not know what “satisfaction train” means, nor what “webbo” is or what “100 family”. And the others, except Zhou Lobo, are not worthy of each other. They were eventually accused of Internet harassment and extortion.

It is an irony in itself.

I would like to stress two other points:

First, with the exception of the Tangshan case, none of the subjects in this case suffered substantial property damage as a result of the defence acts of several accused. Even as alleged by the Public Prosecution Service, the consequences of the act are merely to induce the enterprise to make payments or to make the payments in advance.

The second is that the case was not initiated by the victim's initiative, and that investigation was initiated by the order of Wang Jing Dynasty, the head of the State Public Security Department of Lan, “the man is a man of great mental and moral prejudice and immediately arranges for a concerted effort by the authorities of the Internet, the Synthetic, the Legal and Administrative Services”. On the basis of this order, the prosecution authorities, in accordance with the Tuso-Tru, are contacting the stakeholders in each case, in the web post surrounding Zhou Lobo, and are in the process of gathering the clues that formed the case.

And if these peasants are guilty of the crime, it will have the further negative effect of making justice a strong man who stabbed the weak — a case that is not even a solid case — one or two officials who feel offended by the text “involved in bad faith” and who are so angry that Zhou Loobao “strikes” and kidnapped a bunch of peasant workers (which the public prosecution considers to be among the heads of labour).

This may be the “general statement” of this defence.

Part I: Social context of the case

Behind the case is the difficult work and rights situation that prevails in the north-west, particularly in Gansu province. To assess the facts and causes of the dispute in an objective, comprehensive and careful manner, the basic facts of the case are now being analysed in the context of the social, professional and legal context of the case, in conjunction with official census data, professional studies, provincial authorities and the views of the official media.

According to the communiqué of the seventh national census in Gansu province, published by the Gansu provincial statistical office, the rural resident population in Gansu province in 2020 was approximately 1,19.5 million. The study " Gansu Agriculture: Status of the Rural Labour Force, Employment Gaps and Measures for Quality Employment " shows that in 2023 the total number of rural workers in Gansu Province was 11.1477 million, and the literature also points to the general low level of education and the natural low level of literacy, legal awareness and capacity to defend their rights in Gansu Province.

In terms of economic income, the average disposable income of rural inhabitants in Gansu province was $13,131 in 2023, ranking 30th in the 31 provinces of the country, with the income level at the lowest level in the country. The province of Gansu is the third highest among the ten provinces with the highest rural population, after Tibet and Yunnan, and the rural labour force is large in base and low-income groups are the most significant socio-demographic characteristics of Gansu province.

(b) The overall situation of the country ' s migrant worker population, whose survival survey of 2023 revealed the most pervasive industrial dilemma: in 2023, the country ' s total number of rural migrant workers was approximately 297 million, with a high labour intensity and a high average of 12 hours per day; The problem of the erosion of rights and interests is particularly acute, with 60 per cent of rural workers having experienced wage arrears, 52 per cent without any social insurance, and 40 per cent without a permanent place of residence.

The actual short-terms of the Gansu province, in which the economic, demographic and labour sectors are developed, have only increased and become more problematic in the local labour market. The vast majority of rural workers are the sole economic support of the family, working as one and supporting the whole family, with their full labour income being spent on daily household consumption, living expenses, and little savings, and in a general “time-consuming income for survival” situation, even where there are pre-paid, over-draft income to support their livelihood. The current situation is not a data development but an objective fact that is truly felt in the labour market at the grass-roots level.

The construction site workers, who work in the most intense, difficult working conditions and who work most, are the core building force of the capital of the city. But behind the long years of sweating and hard work of this group, the problem of unpaid work has become a central pain that has plagued their survival, and this is the underlying social cause of the case.

The central problem of poor and poor pay for rural workers in Gansu province has long been the systematic analysis of provincial authorities. (a) The 2022 newspaper Gansu Youth, which published the causes of and responses to the wage-related problems of migrant workers, clearly summarized five core causes of the plight of migrant workers, which are often not covered by the pay-for-works policy: first, the vague definition of the responsibility of the main workers in the construction, the widespread practice of tectonic subcontracting, subcontracting, and construction, the fragmentation of the power of the contractors, the regulation of the form, and the scribbling of the various subjects, which is the root cause of the wage arrears and the lack of results; Second, limited education, low self-protection awareness, lack of professional legal knowledge to defend rights, inability to meet evidentiary requirements and difficulty in legalizing rights in the event of wage disputes; Third, the weak social discourse and absolute vulnerability of migrant workers, as well as the lack of a rights-based and protective capacity; Fourth, administrative enforcement is poorly regulated, inspection and remediation work is on the surface and regular regulatory mechanisms are ineffective; Fifth, the poor economic conditions of rural migrant workers, with limited time, money and energy costs, make it difficult to meet the long and high costs of wage-raising.

The article also states that despite the numerous special regulations and policy documents on the payment of wages to rural workers that have been issued by the State and the authorities of Gansu Province and Municipalities, the impact of land landings has been limited and the effects of the constant disruptions, which are the result of the “oversawing and non-accounting” of the labour system, which has led to a policy shift and a lack of supervision.

The provincial authority newspaper, the director of the Gansu General Trade Union, has an official reference value in the trade review of the Gansu Workers. The official public issue of the Integrated Administrative Enforcement Bureau of Kirin County, Rural Workers' Wages: Yearly Care, Why is it “Yearly Short”? The article also clearly defines migrant workers as the core force that underpins the country ' s urbanization and infrastructure, but whose value is not being matched for long, and which is already a constant problem in the labour sector.

The paper, in its deep-rooted analysis of the causes of underpayment, identified systemic deficiencies and the difficult problems of law enforcement as the primary causes, while identifying the long chain of construction and labour, the sub-contracting of the engineering layers, the vagueness of the various levels of responsibility and the unclear subject matter of accountability as the key cause of the persistent problem of unpaid wages.

Governance mechanisms are also continuously being optimized at the national level to address the persistent problem of unpaid regulation and improve the system of advocacy for migrant workers. The 2026 Chinese Labour Journal published the " Building New Patterns of Underpayment and Writing a New Title for Rights ", which clearly proposes to consolidate the 12345 government service lines, letters and reports, and online intelligence, and to establish a single national payroll account, incorporating social and mass leads, among other things, into the core channels of wage deficit management, to prove that civil leads, feedback from the situation are important grounds for detecting and addressing the phenomenon of underpayment.

In all, the country ' s persistent labour sector, the special economic situation of the Gansu province, the gaps in the engineering and engineering trade, the institutional weaknesses of the regulatory system, and the natural vulnerability of migrant workers to the rights of the migrant workers constitute the macro-social and industrial context in which the case has arisen, and are an important basis for assessing the merits and legal reasoning of the case.

Part Two: Factual defence* *

Allegations of facts:*

In June 2018, after the accused Zhou Roobao ' s release, he was left unrepentant and, in the context of civil labour disputes, Zianming, Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhong, Zhou Zhong Zhong, Zhengming, Zianming, Zianming, etc., used his influence and that of the accused in the web media platform to gain illegal benefits, in a relationship of kinship, community and friends.

The projects in the construction sector, which are being built by the State-owned and well-known enterprises in the areas of Lanzhou, Tian Shui, White Silver and Demxi, are being closed, and there are disputes, disputed works, labour costs, and the use of accounts registered in the Sina Weibo, Today ' s Headline, 100 Dosa House and others to publish false and negative information on a continuous basis.

Using the fear of being "negative" by business agents, functional departments, some party bodies or the public, using the slogan "public opinion monitor", using the party government and the principal corporate executive in the country where the malicious association works, to map the inaction, anti-symmetry and manipulation of the principal government officials, to attack the source, to use sensitive topics and to use the negative events as a way of creating negative feelings, to draw attention, to use negative feelings to blackmail the administration and to impose on the political and business sectors, to use the hot spots of maliciously incurring the blood and blood of migrant workers, and to fight corruption as a way to influence the public interest. The government has been charged with the “right-to-right” financing.

The accused Zhou Lobo was primarily responsible for planning, directing and issuing the post;

(a) The accused, using his network influence, was influenced by the expansion of the accused ' s Zhou Lobo arrangement or the voluntary transmission of false and negative postings, creating pressure for the benefit of the accused;

The accused Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Qianqing is responsible for introducing the person to be asked to be offered, and is provided with assistance in receiving the forwarding “thank you” and profiting from it after the fact;

The accused ordered Saming and your son to actively assist him in the presentation of the case and to assist him in the uploading and delivery of the case for the benefit of the case;

The accused, Kandam and Li academic, repeatedly asked the accused, Zhou Lobo, to demand the payment of the disputed works by means of false information and to use negative information to force the recovery of other persons ' property.

The accused, by fabricated false information on the information network, disseminated it or verbally and intimidated others on the information network, seriously disrupted the order of production and operations in the construction sector and the working order of the functional departments, seriously damaged the business environment and the credibility of the Government at the project site, causing significant economic and moral damage to the victims and causing a negative impact on the socio-economic order and the security of cyberspace.

It can be said that the mere reading of the content of the allegations in question shows a strong subjective tendency to read the text of the allegations.

I. On “aimed at illicit gain”*

1, not “for profit”*

The Public Prosecution Service considered that Zhou Loobao was “for the purpose of making an unlawful profit”, but the iron truth is that in this case 22 cases of harassment were charged, 16 cases of no possessions, 1 case of Nike clothing, 4 cases of extortion (except in Tangshan case), 3 cases of no “benefits”, 4 cases of refusal of Roo Bo, for which the other party paid 400 dollars in telephone charges in order to express gratitude. This is based entirely on the allegations of the Public Prosecution Service, and I have not cited any conclusions after our examination.

If the aim was to obtain a profit, most of the cases for the defence of rights would not have been left unwritten.

If the purpose is to obtain a profit, the third and seventh and eighth cases, which would not involve more than $7 million in construction, are not charged, nor have they been discussed (not subsequently) or found to be disgruntled by Zhou Lok Po.

If the purpose was to obtain an illegal benefit, the first of the total amounts would not have been 960,000 yuan, at a cost of 10,000 yuan, and the twentieth of the total of 250,000 yuan, at a cost of 20,000 yuan, which should have been relatively balanced. It is not, therefore, Zhou Locbao's “standardized fee” but rather the gratitude of those who seek it.

If the aim was to obtain an illegal benefit, it would not be worth about 20 million, but would not receive 100,000 if it was done — he could easily double it, in combination with the statements of the various persons in the trial. Indeed, even the reference fee is much more than that. Lawyers ' fees are still collected in advance and do not have the effect of assisting in the defence of rights.

If the aim is to obtain an illegal profit, the two weeks will be a long time for Lobo to take over, not just to be asked by those who are in arrears — he will make a profit by placing a price for the money.

If it is for the benefit of others, Zhou Lobo will not return to his country, and he will take it in great measure — he does not know those who seek help, and does not take into account human interests, and is charged with the Quran.

The Public Prosecution Service found a written evidence that Zhou Loobao was a priced price, but Zhou Aro Gian stated that Zhou Loo Gian only had been upset by the fact that Sun Khong had provided him with information that was not entirely true, in order to make him feel guilty. The iron truth is that the standard was not issued to anyone, nor was Zhou Luobao charged the rate

• none of it was charged before Sun Heung (1-12 December 2023), and after Sun Heng (Sun), there was the Duyang case of January 2024, nor was it charged at that rate.

I refer to the facts of the prosecution's allegations, which are the very facts of the prosecution, which prove that Zhou Lobo is not “for profit”.

So I thought about what Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Qian Qian Qian, when Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Qian Qian Qian Qian Zhou told Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Qian Qian Qian Qian Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Qian Qian Zhou said, "Why didn't you tell me earlier? For me, it's just a matter of hands. Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhou Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhi Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu hu

We say with conscience that Zhou Lobo was making money to regret the loss of his life or was he sad about the loss of a life? Indeed, we all know that he regrets that he was not able to “show hands” to save people from their misery.

We cannot speculate in infinity about a good deed — because he received part of his appreciation after helping others, so he turned a blind eye to the pro bono and unpaid work of more than a dozen, what is the difference between “You didn't hit him, why did you take him to a hospital” in the Nanjing Pyeongwoo case? As with the infinity of the misdeeds of good deeds, as with the infinity of tolerance for evil, the essence is to punish good and to promote evil, which will seriously undermine the good of society and the world.

2, less “illegal interest”*

The law is not so hard, much less the imposition of a certain selflessness on ordinary people as a saint. The “Son of the Sons of the Redemption” has long shown that the selflessness of those who seek to do good works only discourages good deeds and the cold of the human heart, and is not conducive to the building of social morality. Thus, even if Lukobo received a part of his “thank you” after the day, nothing would change the very nature of his actions and would be without prejudice to his good faith. Therefore, it must be true and not illegal to receive thanks.

To assist in the defence of rights, Zhou Lobo needs to verify facts, access information, visit and verify, write and bear the great risk of online voice, confrontation and retaliation. The success of the people concerned in defending their rights is a natural expression of the gratitude of the people helped, the most modest expression of the feelings of the people, and the most beautiful natural expression of the bottom, which is not only uncompromising, but also reasonable and worldly.

All fees are paid ex post, on a voluntary basis, without coercion, without fraud, and where is the illegal nature of the charges?

3, other accused, less profit-making *

I take a step back, even if Zhou Lok-chan's "for illegal gain" is the "King-jin"? The fact that the King-Yin has confiscated any cents of money from the beginning and the prosecution has accused him of “in order to expand his influence in the cyberworld” is entirely an indignant speculation — does he need to forward Zhou Lobo’s post to expand his influence? The Internet world is vast. Which one is more powerful than transmitting Zhou Lobo's post? In other words, Zhou Lokbao has many posts and he has few, and if that is what will increase the impact of the Internet, should the vast majority of Zhou Lokbao’s posts be transmitted? Why are there only a few more? What is the purpose of the Sage-jin, who was almost 50 years old and half-life free of poverty, to increase the influence of the Internet world? If you want to cash it, why did you keep it? When did the D.A. think he'd be going to cash? Was it 80 or 120?

Is it not double standard that Zhou Roobao collects a little thank-you fee for his illegal gain, that he forfeits a penny and that Zhou Siu-jin is doing it for “personal influence” and that he is also guilty of not taking money? Do you think your views are unreasonable? And it is a terrible thing to think of a good man in the most malicious manner of his own, in the name of a good man, who has been razed in the dark and dirty water, and who has not been corrected!

To say the least, the King-Jin is a kind, stupid person in my heart, and today he has said in court for decades that he is a poor, albeit modest, man who has been making donations for decades “as long as everyone gives a little love”. But this stupid good may be what is most needed in our society today — our own good, not for the sake of social progress. I have even joked these past two days that if there is a catastrophe in the world, it must be this foolish good that saves the world, and we will only hasten its destruction.

Finally, my client, Lian Ming, accused my client of receiving $4,500 in illegal profits, a sum of $2,500 and a sum of $2,000, in the Sun Ho-hong case and the Li Chi-won case, but both cases were found by them, and he was asked to help out with the introduction based on his friends. In his mind, instead of helping Zhou Roo-bao, he offered Zhou's client with his "micro-sign" (which is all that is all) and Zhou Lo Bo refused to do so. Nor did it agree on the question of “benefits” when deciding to help. After the success of the rights struggle, the “thank you” was transferred to your mother and to your son, who also gave her the first full payment of the thank you to Zhou Lokbao, for a simple reason, namely, “Chou Lokbao helped us so much”. After the transfer, Zhou Zhou vonian was transferred to your brother for 2,500 and 2,000 respectively, i.e., he did not think of a “benefit fee” until the moment your brother transferred the money to Zhou Zhou Qianqian. Is the allegation based on the pursuit of an unlawful advantage, and is it too blind to the facts? Is it too bad to speculate?

We also note that when your brother was underpaid, he also helped him to turn to Zhou Lobo, and the Public Prosecution Service considers that you are also actively seeking to introduce him to Zhou Lo Bo.

Yesterday, when the prosecutor issued his public opinion, he said that your two payments were in your hands and that he was involved in the division of the proceeds. I wonder if the prosecutor was blushing or heartached when he said that.

And in the case of the Chon-hyun, if you did not receive the "thank you" payment, the Public Prosecution Service would have speculated on a motive, such as "to satisfy your inner satisfaction," as you have assumed.

Here I would also like to say that the charges in this case are not based on evidence at all, but on the greatest malicious speculation (the public prosecutor in the trial clearly stated that they were “not for good, but for good”. I can't understand it because you've done nothing good, and you feel that all good is done on a bad motive?

ii. “Involvement in civil labour disputes” is de facto distorted*

What about the labour dispute between the two parties? The same applies to San Ming, who was also the victim of the loss of rights in the event of unpaid wages.

Even if, according to the logic of the Public Prosecution Service, the Minister and the Minister had clearly described the other parties' recourse to Zhou Lobo, this aspect of the fact that they defend their rights should no longer be subject to the evaluation of “involvement in civil labour disputes”.

What is the word “involved” for further identification? In other words, is it the lawyer who is entrusted with the labour dispute? Is it true that the submission of a complaint to the labour inspectorate is a request for the executive to intervene in civil labour disputes? Today, are our lawyers also “involved” in their case? If “involvement” refers only to intervention and assistance in resolving a conflict, it is perfectly possible to use neutral and objective legal language in the indictment. The word “involved” in recent legal times has had a completely nefarious character. The defence is compelled to question whether the use of terms with such a strong bias is subjective and pre-emptive. The indictment also states that they are “focused on the construction industry in Lanzhou, Tian Shui, Silver, Deutsche, etc.” — a ghost? It's just that the places where the people who need help are in the middle of the wage job are in these places.

III. Multiple wording with value preset*

The Public Prosecution Service has also used a large number of terms in its allegations that run counter to prevailing current values, such as the exposure of “negative information”, but the fact that there are a large number of negative facts, and that there are only positive messages, and no, no negative messages, is certainly a disaster for the countless peoples of the country, as has been repeatedly shown; The allegation is that “insinuation of the government authorities did not act”, and in this case did the government authorities? Need insinuation? But what is needed is innuendo, if not indoctrination, of the government, which does not act, and does not have to pay for it as soon as public opinion comes out. Can the allegations that the “reconciliation of the principals of government agencies” is essentially a public criticism, that the principals of government agencies are not in place and that the livelihood of the people is being put on hold for a long time? Is criticism mean? What does the allegation mean when they say that they “reward their wages in bad faith to the rural workers”? Does the prosecutor consider that the payment of wages to rural workers is in good faith? Ultimately, in the logic of the allegations in this case, the fact that the wages of the rural workers are owed are good and that the rural workers ' recourse to the claim is bad would not create a great logical paradox and a bad orientation? The charges refer to “a malicious association of leaders”, but what is the connection between good and evil? If the Public Prosecution Service insists that there is a malicious link, then at least what is the bona fide connection? If the Public Prosecution Service has difficulty in defining a bona fide link, but describes the case as a “negative association”, would this be a coercive negative criminalization of normal neutral sexual behaviour?

Thus, “negative information” in the indictment is in fact information. “Insinuation of government inaction” is in fact a criticism of government inaction. The “mobilization of the principals of government organs” is in fact both a criticism and a recourse. “Directly associated leadership”, in fact, is the associated leadership, in other words, a different way of seeking help.

All of the above are the mandatory negative evaluation of sexual activity by the Public Prosecution Service.

IV. Question on “Morally Associated Leadership”*

I wonder if the term “morally associated leadership” was the first in the Land State region, and yesterday I was able to find out that the words “morally associated leadership” did not appear in any legal term, government or legal norm. If it were the first time in the country, it would be a first-time move, but I am sure that this word will become a stain on the state of law and even on Gansu justice, and a sign of reflection. I also believe that the word, one day, will be crucified to the sham of history. I have no intention of going on this for the time being, but I just want to say what the purpose of the “associated leadership” is:

In a comprehensive picture of the facts, we can well conclude that the central purpose of the parties' “associated leadership” is to draw the attention and attention of the leaders, thus facilitating a substantive solution to the problem of unpaid salaries. It is also in line with the Chinese's thousands of years of collective subconscious — to find “parents” when they encounter things. It's also in line with our system design.

So, by its very nature, it is an expression of the people seeking public power relief, and the so-called “associated leadership” is the essence of the call to the leadership and the search for help.

In other words, the parties' regular recourses are blocked and the direct result is that they cannot be transmitted upwards through such a converse way, which is essentially a “turn-off” to the public power of recourse.

The reason for the “go-round” is that it is impossible to get straight enough.

Thus, whatever term the public prosecution authorities label the act, it is impossible to hide the core nature of its recourse

• even if the behaviour is biased, this underlying qualification will permeate the case.

V. Allegations of alleged disturbance of public order*

The previous defence has already made a lot of professional statements, and I will only say two words: “Big words”.

How can it be that the business environment and the credibility of the Government in Gansu region have been seriously undermined by a few migrant workers, that is, to say the least to do with a local governance, but that is mainly why they are so much more abusive? The Gansu District Administrator is afraid to say that every year when he says his job!

The second is a few migrant workers who are being paid for their work, who are simply paid through the Internet, and who can seriously disrupt the business order in the construction sector, as well as the work order in the government's functional departments, and I can only say that they are so powerful! But if they had the power, would they still be long-term unpaid?

As for the question of the damage to cyberspace, I will just say:

The infinite Chinese network will allow for the voices of several migrant workers to defend their rights!

VI. Your Excellency is not helping Zhou Roobao to introduce her, but is helping her brother and friend to introduce her rights-based facilitators*

Whether you are in the San Ming case or Sun Zhonghong or Li Zing Yuan Yuan, you are helping him to help him when he has no choice but to help him, sometimes even repeatedly. This is clearly for you to lead the way for those who are underpaid, not for Zhou Lobo. Even such a clear fact is distorted by the Public Prosecution Service, which is not sufficiently thorough in its allegations. This disregard for facts and the imposition of a patchwork not only contradicts objective facts, but also exposes the paleness and ineffectiveness of the logic of the accusations.

In conclusion, this incalculable allegation, which describes all the key facts, relies not on evidence but on the infinity of the prosecution's speculation. In addition to all the statements used by the prosecution to confuse the public record, the basic facts of the case are extremely simple and one sentence can be said:

They are being paid, they are turning to officials online, and they “offence”.

Part Three: Argument of legal effects

Silence crime:*

Laws and regulations:

The offence of sedition is not a new offence of independence and its legislative basis is derived from the hooliganism provided for in article 160 of the 1979 Criminal Code. This provision clearly states: “The penalty for acts of mass assault, sedition, insult to women or other hooliganism, which are disturbing public order and aggravating circumstances, shall be imprisonment for a maximum of seven years. “It follows that, at the beginning of the legislation, the search for a disorder was accompanied by the fight against the mob and the insults to women, which is a crime with a “rogue character” and whose core protection is the public order, and which regulates the criminal and immoral acts of omission, arbitrariness and the violation of public order.

In order to further clarify the limits of the crime of hooliganism, the Supreme People's Court and the Supreme People's Procuratorate issued in 1984 a " Answer to a number of questions on the specific application of the law in the current cases of hooliganism ", which clearly lists "other hooligan activities " as serious and heinous offences against public decency, such as sodomy of young children, such as multiple acts of indecent assault under violent coercion. It is clear that the traditional pattern of harassment is essentially an act of rogueism that is unjustifiable and without a legitimate basis and that is the core of the crime and the underlying logic of judicial determination.

(a) The 1997 revision of the Criminal Code, which formally abolished hooliganism, which was dismantled and refined into independent hooliganism, and article 293 of the current Code, which explicitly criminalizes four types of hooliganism: random assault, aggravated assault; (a) The pursuit, interception, verbal abuse and intimidation of persons in aggravating circumstances; (a) The seizure or destruction of public or private property by force or at will, in serious circumstances; The public scene of the riots caused serious public disorder.

Although the legislation is detailed, the core nature of the crime of sedition has never changed, and hooliganism remains a necessary element of the construction of the crime. In other words, if an act is not characterized by any hooliganism, inactivity, incriminating or disturbing the population, the pattern of conduct is in line with the general public ' s perception and legitimate foundation, and even if there is a civil dispute between the parties, it is absolutely incompatible with the very nature of the offence of sedition and should not be criminalized. — Here, I also ask in a visual sense, do these people look like hooligans and do they have hooligan character?

The reasoning of the above-mentioned decision is fully in line with the express provisions of the Supreme People ' s Court and the Supreme People ' s Procuratorate on the interpretation of certain issues of the law applicable to criminal proceedings in cases of sedition, which precisely defines two only circumstances of incrimination for the offence of sedition:

First, nothing is deformed: it refers to the act of seeking to cause a disturbance in order to seek stimulation, to vent emotions, to play a good game, etc.;

Second, it is deformed: it means that the perpetrator is in a minor and occasional situation of daily life, making a fuss and taking advantage of the occasion, but the victim is not guilty or has not exacerbated the contradiction.

In our penal system, it seems that motivation is an indispensable element of conviction only if the crimes of hooliganism are divided into several offences.

At the same time, paragraph 3 of the judicial interpretation clearly defines the absolute threshold of guilt: the perpetrator, for legitimate civil reasons, such as marital relations, family, neighbourhood, debt disputes, occupation of property, communication rights, etc., is not, in principle, criminalized for the offence of plagiarizing, etc. An exception can be made for the purpose of causing disorder only after the perpetrator has been stopped and punished by the authorities.

In the light of the objective facts of the case, there is no room for incriminating circumstances that are fully compatible with the judicial interpretation of the case, as it is a claim for the wages of rural workers, which in our country is almost “the king of debt”.

I would like to add that the interpretation of article 30, as it relates to the interpretation of the Law on the Interpretation of Punishments for the Administration of Security, by the editor-in-chief of the Criminal Law Section of the Standing Committee of the National People ' s Congress, Ray Jianbin, is:

In practice, it is important to avoid the occasional incriminating and improper behaviour of the public in expressing grievances, different views, complaints and criticisms, and to consider them mechanically and unilaterally as a matter of discomfort.

Case analysis:*

The defence will then present the most undisputed and common sense of the facts and the most incontrovertible doctrine.

The case-by-case evidence, which is consolidated, establishes the following underlying facts:

First, the submission by the Public Prosecution Service of evidence to prove that the information was false is, at best, proof that the parties disputed the fact of the unpaid salary and that the information in question was false.

Secondly, the request for help, which was made by the Minister, which was presented by the Minister, Sun Quehong and Li Zhong Yuan, convinced him that the facts of the unpaid salary were objective and that the Public Prosecution Service had not provided any evidence that would have established that he had a real possibility of identifying the situation as false, let alone any evidence that he knew that the information in question was false — of course, the information in question was true.

Thirdly, the central fact of the case, aside from the vast and varied body of evidence used by the Public Prosecution Service to confuse the public record, is that the subjective aim of the present case, which was to collect unpaid labour, including wages for themselves and for relatives and relatives of the same village, was simple and simple.

Fourthly, the Public Prosecution Service has presented hundreds of pieces of evidence, none of which can prove that you have the incentive, the mood, the aggressiveness and the motive of a rogue such as that required by the crime of sedition.

Fifth, the entire act of the son was limited to the introduction and transmission of a request for help, was not involved in any specific process of collecting a salary, was not known about or involved in the specific action of defending rights on the line.

Sixth, the counterpart in the case in question is the person who is either in arrears or directly linked to the unpaid person, who is itself under an obligation to pay for his or her work. It is particularly important to note here that no single unit has been established, as there was a material loss as a result of the payment of the wages of the rural migrant workers in the case.

On the basis of the above, I state from the point of view of the constituent elements of the crime that your brother-in-law is not guilty of sedition for the following reasons:

First, the subjective element is not valid *

The crime of sedition requires the perpetrator to have subjective intent to seek stimulation, venting emotions, acting in a manner that is aggressive, causing trouble. In the present case, the motive of your son, who was seeking compensation for his work, was clearly not a hooligan motive required for the crime of sedition and the subjective element was not satisfied. It is particularly important to note here that during the trial I asked the prosecutor to intensify his evidence in this regard, and the prosecutor did not add up any evidence.

Second, missing objective elements*

In this case, the Public Prosecution Service was involved in a web-based search for charges, which, according to the judicial interpretation, fell into two categories: one using information networks to abuse and intimidate people; The second is to fabricate false information or to spread it on the Internet, knowing it is made up, or to organize or direct people to spread it on the Internet, causing trouble.

In the present case, there is no abuse or intimidation, and the statements of charges made by the Public Prosecution Service, which are based on innuendo, sarcasm, sarcasm, malicious association, do not fit the character of the abuse or intimidation.

With regard to “false information”, which points to the originator of the information, it is clear that he is not. The “false” of the case, which requires the perpetrator to make up false information and to disseminate it to the public on his own initiative, contains no factual information in the cases concerning the case of the son. Even if there is false information, and the level of knowledge of the mother is not a real possibility of identifying the false information, the legal principle should apply to the unknowing. As for the publication of false information and the organization of other disseminations, he has never been involved, and the objective elements of conduct are therefore totally absent in the present case.

In its Indictment, the Public Prosecution Service stated that, since you were the procurer, the introduction itself required that the procurer had a basic knowledge of the manner, method and means, and that you were thus an accomplice. This is clearly a rhetorical argument. Your brother can't read under

1. What do he know about the network? Even if he knew about the Internet, how would he know that it was a way of making up false information? There is no evidence at all. Not only is there no evidence available, but all the accused have said that the information is true. Can criminal charges, and the most crucial of the alleged facts, ignore the evidence and rely on malicious speculation?

Again, without disturbing public order*

The legal benefit of the protection of the offence of sedition is public order in society. The defence in this case refers to a particular unpaid unit and to the subject of responsibility, which is specific and does not correspond to the characteristics of crimes against public order.

In a step back, even if the work order in the relevant establishments is affected, it is rooted in the long-term arrears in payment of labour, not in the very fact that the right to seek help is being sought. The consequences of the lack of pay are attributed to the action of the pay-raiser, which is typical of the cause of the reversal and the cause of the loss. If this logic is established, then it is clear that the legal logic of the fact that any right to defence has an impact on the relevant unit can be assessed as disturbing public order, which is tantamount to basing all wage-raising acts on an infringement of public order.

As for the reference to the leadership concerned and the criticism of the functional authorities in the content of the web, the expression does not directly cause a real damage to public order, which the Public Prosecution Service classifies as “a breach of public confidence”, but which is not identical to the “disruption of public order” in the criminal law and cannot be an element of the crime of sedition.

Fourth, the case must not constitute a crime of sedition, based on the principle of proportionality and proportionality *

(a) The law provides for the collection of illegal debts by illegal means, in serious cases, which may constitute a crime of collecting illegal debts, with a maximum statutory penalty of three years; The case is one in which the collection of legal debts is made by illegal means, and it is certainly not more serious than the punishment of the illegal collection of debts by unlawful means — of course, on the basis of the logic of the charges of the Public Prosecution Service, which we do not consider to be illegal.

However, the penalty for the offence of sedition is more than five years.

This should not have happened, in accordance with the principle of proportionality of criminal liability. This alone is sufficient to show that the present case must not constitute a crime of sedition.

In terms of sentencing, the penalty for collecting a legal debt must not be higher than that for collecting an illegal debt, however qualified.

Finally, with regard to the motivation of the case, I would like to reinforce this in terms of the significance of the wages of rural workers for rural workers:*

As mentioned above, in 2023, the rural population of Gansu Province was in the order of $13,131, ranking it 30th in the 31 provinces of the country, with a high labour intensity and a high average of more than 12 hours a day.

In this case, the defendant, Jean-Min, was the most pure and bottom-up farmer on the construction site, and he claims that he earned 670,000 in previous years, which could have reached 100,000 in both years. And His speech is filled with plain joy. He worked for 670,000 dollars or 100,000 dollars almost every day for 12 hours or more, and he did not complain about overworked work and harsh conditions, whether in the cold or in the heat.

He had four children and his wife was in need of care for the family, so his income would be used for the livelihood and study of six people, who would also have to support both parents.

And in our case, involving a peasant worker like him, there may be hundreds of people who may face the same survival problems as your son, many of whom have not earned much.

Hundreds of people, and behind them hundreds of families.

I therefore say that the money we are dealing with in this case, whether the Public Prosecution Service considers it as a farm worker ' s salary or labour, is ultimately attributed to the farmers ' sweat money. Because if the labour costs are denied the wage attributes of the migrant worker, the small-scale foreman will not be able to advance the worker ' s salary in the future. The chartered workers, on the other hand, are paid for without receiving the labour money, which is a customary moral obligation. We cannot destroy that moral foundation. Otherwise, the most vulnerable and bottom-line working farmers continue to suffer.

So, if we really want a comparison, we're going to have to live in the hundreds of low-level families on the one hand, and the leadership on the other, and, of course, the apparent reason for the prosecution service, which is called order, on the other.

Even if I am certain that you are really thinking about order, is it appropriate that you place order above the survival of migrant workers? If order is to come at the expense of the survival of the migrant workers, it is not to be ordered!

I can easily explain the importance of these wages for hundreds of families, and the cultural and artistic aspect of these salaries, which are, for them, the pyrotechnics of cherries, the little hope that older people will see the disease and seek medical treatment, the essential basis for their children ' s education and development, the last barrier to life and the little light against the vagaries of fate. These are the simplest and most modest living dignity of hundreds of low-level families.

It is therefore really not safe to say why not to prosecute, as there are too many examples of how, in our current judicial situation, one year of conservativeness may be difficult to enforce for many years. These farmers, whose parents cannot afford to wait for medical treatment, their children cannot afford to grow up in school and their families cannot afford to wait for their gruely oil salt. Their lives on that day require the income of that day, and they are often overstretched even in advance.

We also need to understand that the vulnerability of the farmers ' group is not only a vulnerability to social status, but also a full vulnerability to the rights-based channels, the ability to address, and the time-cost. We must stand in the position of the lower-level masses, abandoning the “groutine mind” that is so high that they are in a real state of necessity in which there is no way to turn to them.

So please, stop saying that their pay-for-work actions “will result in legal channels being emptied and the rule of law being seriously disrupted”, have you ever considered how cruel it is to say this without eating from the ground?

• You failed to protect the bottom people, but you blamed the bottom people for saving yourself!

Well, I'm not going to say it again. Just two words:

If the motivation for the bottom-up crowd to be paid is considered a hooligan motive, the act of collecting a salary is considered a hooligan, then who is it?

1. If the bottom-up demand is assessed as malicious, then the true evil is the most mean of those who hold resources and power, and of those who hold power. If that is true, it must be the biggest disinterest of those who have the resources, the power, whether institutions or individuals!

• Even if their actions may be biased, they must not be said to be malicious!

They have been bent on their backs, they have worked for more than 300 days a year, they have not even been home for more than six years, they have been able to survive themselves, they have been free of all their time and energy, they have not been like some leaders, they have been in trouble because they have been called upon by the people, they have been offended by the “holy association”, and they have begun to join forces with the various sectors.

That's the real bad faith!

These are not purely legal issues, but are of public interest, of concern to positions and of value-oriented issues. Please, let us not make this mistake of principle.

Extortion:*

I. The case does not have an unlawful occupation purpose*

The fact that the underlying claim in this case was true, legal and clear, and that the site in question was in arrears of $20,000 for the labour costs of your son prior to his recall, was unanimously confirmed by the records of Li Zingwon, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as the fact that the Public Prosecution Service accepted the basis of the claim.

For your son, who has a very low level of education, is less than 20 years literate, has no social resources, has no legal awareness, has no legal means of defending his rights and has no professional means of defending them, and for him it is a must, not an option.

The only dispute in this case is whether the claim of the “compensation” of $5,000 (see the record of the communication between Jiang and your son, Xianmin-Sin) was based on unlawful occupation.

The evidence indicates that the sum of $5,000 was claimed in the name of the compensation. The fact is that, after the sum of $5,000 was paid, your brother-in-law did not retain it and transferred it directly to Zhou Lokbao in full. This is sufficient to demonstrate that the amount, within its cognitive limits, is the necessary expense to realize the claim and is in no way proceeds intended to be illegally occupied.

As to the reasonableness of the costs, two perspectives can be drawn:

One is the flow of funds. In the present case, the sum of $5,000 was to enable him to make a profit and to transfer the money out of the first place, directly excluding the purpose of illegal possession;

The second is cost criteria, which can be seen in two ways:

1. The cost of arbitrating, litigation, entrusting a lawyer to defend his rights is also about $5,000, which may not be a success.

1. The double compensation for salary arrears is also generally higher than that amount (more than 50 per cent and less than 100 per cent), which is justified by the cost criterion.

* * * * * * Qualitative victim in the criminal law sense of the case * * * * * * * * Qu * * * * * Qu * * * * * Qu * * * * Qu *

The crime of extortion requires that the victim be motivated by fear and that the legal elements of the actual property damage resulting from coercion be one and the other, which is not a core element at all available in the present case.

Lee Zin Won was not the victim of the case: after the case, Li Zin Yuan and your brother were still friendly and he also stated that he would not have thought he had been blackmailed if he had come to court. But the court did not agree with Lee's request for a presence.

Of course, in practice the Public Prosecution Service also denied Lee Zhongwon as a victim and the Public Prosecution Service found that the victim was a minor.

2 The case was not one of the victims: Jiajiang, who had repeatedly stated in his notes that he paid $25,000, only on behalf of Lee Zinwon, and the actual payee was Li Zin Yuan, while the next day, Kian and Li Zin Yuan were re-assembled in the White Silver City Labour Inspectorate, deducting all the surrogate costs (including $255,000 in connection with the case), and he owed $100,000 to Li Zin Yuan.

Thus, the victim identified by the Public Prosecution Service had no real loss and clearly did not qualify as a victim in the case of extortion.

Therefore, the case does not have a basis for the establishment of the crime of extortion.

iii. The case does not correspond to the network descriptor extortion *

The case is based on the interpretation and application of the third section of the Supreme People's Court Criminal Court's Interpretation of the Law Applicable to Criminal Cases of Using Information Networks to Demolition, which “does not qualify as extortion if the perpetrator has not voluntarily contacted the victim to charge the victim for the cost of the "advertising fee", "sponsible fee", "service fee" etc. In this respect, the case also does not constitute the offence of extortion.

IV. In judicial practice, there have been a large number of acquittals in similar cases*

Case attached, without recitation.

V. The claim of gambling debt in this case does not in principle constitute a crime of extortion*

The claim for the peso is more reasonable than the gambling debt, even if it is not what the Public Prosecutions see as the “soleest wage for the peasant worker”, or even for the labour and materials. However, the same way in which gambling debts are demanded does not constitute a crime of extortion.

In all, more grounds for innocence can be found, whether for the crime of sedition or extortion, but if this is the most common ground for innocence, the courts will not accept it, and the more so will be.

Moreover, that would suffice to prove that the adjudicators and the accusers are “bad” as well.

I have not seen the maliciousness of the accused in this case, but I have seen too much of the ill will of public authority.

Part Four: Political and Social Dimensions*

1 The present case, if convicted, is a flagrant denial of the “bottom line protection principle” that has long been agreed upon in human civilization *

In the modern world, the rule of law is developing, and States are strengthening their institutional cover and protection of rights for the bottom social groups. (b) The adoption of social security laws, such as those of the United Kingdom and the United States, which provide for the establishment of basic survival lines for vulnerable groups; The judiciary has exercised restraint and has not easily used penalties for acts committed by the population at the bottom to sustain their existence, even if there is a pattern of deviation. There is long-standing consensus in the international community that the ability to guarantee the living conditions of the bottom population and to preserve the human dignity of the bottom group is a central yardstick for the level of civilization of a country.

The ILO clearly defines the core right to work as the right to survival: wages correspond directly to the worker ' s right to survival. The developed countries of Europe and of Europe are extremely disciplined for unpaid work, and enterprises may face severe consequences of even bankruptcy if they do not pay their wages in bad faith. In developed countries in Europe and the United States, where the struggle for labour security has led to popular rights demonstrations, few cases have been brought to criminal prosecution for wage-earnering — such rights have never been recognized in their logic of law as “social order breakdown” requiring criminal punishment.

The global logic of the rule of law, the sword of criminal law, should be directed at those who are unpaid and who are in want of violating the rights and interests of workers, rather than at those who are struggling to survive. If you are guilty of this case, this ruling sends a very negative signal to the outside world that other countries have used public policies to keep the people from living, while we have used the criminal shackles of the search for help and the punishment of the sweat-sucking labourers.

2 This case, if convicted, is a public departure from the policy of safeguarding the rights and interests of our rural workers since the establishment of the New China Party and from the orders of the people of the past leaders.*

Looking back at history, from the foundation of the “reliance on the people of the workers and farmers” of Comrade Mao to the co-founder of Comrade Deng Xiaoping “to be rich and rich”; From the purpose of the Party of Comrade Jiang Zemin, “to represent the fundamental interests of the vast majority of the people”, to the idea of the governance of Comrade Hu Jintao, “centered and governed for the people”; Since the 18th anniversary of the Party's “resolutely ending the arrears of wages owed to rural workers” “care to address the problem of the lack of wages owed to rural workers”, the Party's central and State Council has successively issued regulations and documents, which have been accompanied by mechanisms to combat the lack of pay and establish the root causes of the problem as a political hard-on to land.

If, in the present case, the perpetrator of the crime, who was ultimately identified as a victim of the right, is to be labelled as a profit-making accomplice by illiterate farmers who are merely invited to help out of their own country's own personal ties, then the party and the State policy of “care and care for the migrant worker” becomes a dead letter, and the “revenue and hard work” value-seeking becomes a real reality and the “people-centred” position is subject to substantial disarray and questioning under the State emblem. This is not a simple criminal case, but rather a criminal judgement that may be used to deviate from the first human purpose of our party, which has been a committed cause for more than 70 years.

3 This case, if found guilty, is a fundamental negation of our national labour security system*

The top-level implementation involves the deployment of special initiatives to combat underpayment at the national level, which have been designed not to preserve the dignity of powerful enterprises but to establish a system of protection against the payment of workers' wages, to protect the blood and sweat on which hundreds of millions of workers depend and to fulfil their solemn commitment to “revenue and security”. The core value of this system has always been its extreme care for the survival of vulnerable workers.

The criminalization of a group of ordinary rural workers who suffer from a partial defect in the way they are protected by genuine salary arrears is tantamount to a direct evaporation of the value of our labour security system at the level of the judiciary. A single conviction would not only diminish the practical effectiveness of laws and regulations, but also convey to society the wrong signals that the system is binding only on workers, but would not deter the underpaid. The system that should have been directed towards the non-paying party and the related manager, if the first attempt to “punish” the victims of the recovery were to be targeted, the “deceptive” of the labour security system would be compromised in the case, or even reduced to the sky, and the future would be increasingly unbridled, and the rural migrant community would be more difficult (there are already instances where the farmers' claim was intimidated by the employer: “Did Ming come out?” The blogger adds:

4 The present case, if convicted, is a fundamental backlash to the purpose of “justice for humanity”*

Justice is the key to the people ' s sense of justice, placing the suffering of ordinary people at the heart of the justice system, and allowing the people in need to feel the quality of justice in every case. The right to justice derives from the people and should be the basis of the weak, not from the mechanical modus operandi (and, in this case, even if it were a mechanical modus operandi), which is a sword to the sword of punishment on the hands of the desperate defenders.

Farmers are paid for their blood money and defend the most modest and legitimate right to life. When the public remedies channel is slow and the bottom crowd is desperate to speak out, even if there are flaws in the way in which they are carried out, justice should be presented with a compassionate, guided and not a straight label of “crime”. If justice ignores the reality of workers' “life-long” situation, avoids the stylistic governance behind unpaid wages and pushs the injured wage earner to the criminal dock, “justice for the people” ceases to be a living institutional practice and becomes a hollow slogan.

A guilty verdict would be a blood and blood bond between justice and the people. Justice is judged by the population, not by the obscure doctrine, but by the treatment of ordinary people in individual cases. If even the bottom-up population is denied asylum and criminal responsibility is to be borne, the people will be taken far away. The balance of the decision, once it deviates from the people ' s position, is detrimental not only to the fate of the individual concerned, but also to the very foundations of the judicial system.

5 This case, if convicted, is a double betrayal of social decency and the human heart *

The accused in this case is the most illiterate person in society and has no social resources. He initially found Zhou Loobao only to recover his salary arrears, and then, out of blood and indignity, he refused to see his fellow inhabitants trapped in the same village, to seek help from Zhou Lo Ro Bo and to convey the claims of the people for the unpaid wages. And his wish, which was plentiful in his heart, was only to let those who sweat, take back what was their blood and sweat.

The Kingshuin, “good man of Gansu”, who is also at the bottom, is born with a heart of kindness, and in this case he has not taken anything but to speak for the weak and to be a man of grace.

Zhou Lokbao, a little writing, giving hands when the bottom crowd is unable to ask for help. The evidence clearly shows that he never volunteered to claim the costs, that he received them only symbolically after the helpee had expressed his gratitude and thanks, and that in the vast majority of cases he did not take any part. The thanks that have been expressed after the success of the appeal are the most modest expression of gratitude in the country.

However, today's accusation makes this hot-blooded, civilian and friendly attack a crime, and the largely unwritten defence of rights is denigrating as illegal, black and white, and so on!

This kind offer, rooted in the country ' s native society, is a harsh pressure on the civilian moral integrity of being misinterpreted as a profit-making crime. It sends a warning to society that helping the families and friends of the country who are trapped in the country will risk being trapped, thereby quelling the good will of the people and tearing the ethical foundations of the country's watch.

When those who do good by the sound of their will are criminally prosecuted, the moral panic of the Peng Woo case may again engulf the north-west. No one will ever have to send the letter of help and no one will ever give it up. The warm intestines of the ancient ways, which help each other by watching between the land, shall be silenced in this cold fear.

6 The conviction of the case is an open insult to the “civil ethics” and “civil thought” inherited from the Chinese nation for the millennium *

Our country has a deep bond with “parents” and a straight white saying that “governments do not take the lead, so rather than go home and sell potatoes”. In the Chinese law system's millennium legacy, the relationship between officials and citizens has never been a cold confrontation, but rather an ethical interaction between “herders” and “children”. The people's pre-emption of officials, their trust and their dependence on them are the most entrenched of our people's collective subconscious, the most modest trust and trust in public power and the best expression of their common sense of life.

When people suffer injustice, when the avenues of relief are not in place, and when people seek help from higher officials out of instinct, it is “suspectly” and “justifiably” in the minds of the people. Like our case, the migrant worker is not paid, he is called upon to help a slightly cultural Zhou Roku, who is made known to officials via the Internet, essentially by “twirling” to the public power — because it is not enough to go straight. This is a normal thing under our civil and public ethics, and if such recourse is characterized as a crime, it is tantamount to telling people in the world that your sufferings are beyond the control of your authorities, and cannot be handled by anyone else, and even less by “senior superiors”, not only to block the way for the people to defend their rights, but also to tear the warm veil of “parents” and turn the promise of “ownership of the people” into a joke. If that is the case, it is not only the current administration of justice that is humiliating, but also the ideal of the Chinese nation, who has been “one and one” for the millennium.

It is important to note in particular that we speak of political effects, general issues, and that we speak of truth and not of grand ideas, but of the objective facts of the case: the real lack of pay in this case and the fact that the accused was merely seeking to pay for his sweat, which cannot be denied in any case. And my immediate client, Mr. Saming, is the most common bottom worker, who knows nothing of the size of the house, of the number of the hundred, of the innuendo, of the innuendo, of the intuitive connection, and who seeks nothing but the blood and sweat of his own and his own country for a year. Frankly, it took us so many days to argue whether this case constitutes a hoax and whether it constitutes extortion and humiliation of what we have learned for so many years!

This case, just put it out, and everyone — including the prosecutor — will know it's innocent!

The verdict in this case, however, is significant, not only for the life of the man and the woman, but also for the confidence of countless lower-level people in the administration of justice, the party and the Government. Once convicted, the short-term seemingly quelling of the controversy, it is inevitable that in the long run, the people will be hurt, that justice will be the beginning of the cause of the people and that it will be the life-long political quest of the country.

I would like to quote a well-known phrase: “The people do not know there is a court, and the court in their hearts is us”, which is the words of the Great Ming Dynasty, and it is also a thought-provoking statement that can be applied to the present day.

In our case, these accused would have been modest in their view that our verdict today is the attitude of the party and the Government towards the bottom people — they would not have thought that that was your view. The case, if misjudged and misjudged, creates in the eyes of the masses a cold perception that the subsistence and sham pay of the people at the bottom of the ground are not as visible as the faces of individual departments and cadres in our country.

Justice is the most visible mirror of the party community, and in each case there is a build-up of popular confidence in the rule of law. An unjust judgement that harms more than the client and, more importantly, the simple feelings of millions of people at the bottom will shed little light on the people.

Finally, I would like to ask the full court to consider it with caution, in terms of its historical effects.

Today ' s judgement will be permanently bound in the file, a true record of the coming decades of our time. The latter will not dwell on the details of the case, but will only judge, through this judgement, how the judiciary in 2002 and 2006 treats peasants, how the bottom workers are treated, and how the human right to life of ordinary people is treated, and they will likewise see the precise temperature of the rule of law in our times.

So today you can decide your charges and your verdict, but you have decided not to take the record of this case and the evaluation of it by the others.

I sincerely hope that the judgement in this case will be able to withstand time, history and later examination. Let not the people of decades to come to this great age of our day be surprised to find that, in a day of progressive rule of law and full State commitment to the rights and interests of migrant workers, a group of ordinary and hard-earned workers are considered guilty simply for their rights.

I urge the full court to consolidate the facts, the legal reasoning, the policy orientation and the historical value of the case, to exercise due diligence and to make a fair decision that truly stands the test of law, social, historical, and not to let others and their descendants curse. The government has been trying to get people to give a 15-word comment to Lanzhou in 2002, and to the people of the next few decades.

• A great official, a humble people, a fucking justice!

Of course, I am convinced that the words “fuck justice” will not be included in the commentary of my peers, because I have full confidence in the Full Court, the Court of the Sea and the State of Lanzhou.

Finally, let us be a court of law that has the eyes of life and the eyes of the people.